September Massacres
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The September Massacres[1] were a wave of mob violence which overtook Paris in late summer 1792, during the French Revolution. By the time it had subsided, half the prison population of Paris had been executed: some 1,200 trapped prisoners, including many women and young boys. Sporadic violence, in particular against the Roman Catholic Church, would continue throughout France for nearly a decade to come.[2]
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[edit] Background
The political situation in Paris on the eve of the September Massacres was dire. No individual or organised body could truly claim exclusive sovereignty. The monarchy and short-lived Constitution of 1791 had been overthrown with the bloody journée of 10 August 1792, in which the Tuileries was stormed by the mob and the royal family fled for their lives. The Legislative Assembly had been left impotent after a large number of deputies had fled, and its successor, the National Convention, had not yet met. To further complicate this matter, the insurrectionary Paris commune established 9 August 1792 incorporated some of the most radical revolutionary elements, including the sans-culottes, and briefly contended for the role of de facto government of France. Lacking a sovereign power, the Parisians' fear, hatred, and prejudice proved to be the seeds of the September Massacres.
The night before the Assault on the Tuileries on 10 August 1792, an insurrection planned by the Jacobins overthrew the current Paris Commune headed by Pétion and proclaimed a new revolutionary Commune headed by transitional authorities. During the storming of the Tuileries Palace by the insurrectionists, Louis XVI fled with the royal family, and his authority as King was suspended by the Legislative Assembly; a de facto executive was named, but the actual power of decision rested with the revolutionary Commune, whose strength resided in the mobilized Sans-culottes, the vast majority of Paris' fairly poor population. Supported by a new armed force (the 48 sections of Paris were fully equipped with munitions from the plundered arsenals the days before the Assault of the Tuileries, substituting the 60 National Guard battalions) the Commune and its Sans-culottes took control of the city and dominated the Legislative Assembly and its decisions and for some weeks the Commune was the actual government of France.[3]
The Commune took major steps towards democratizing the Revolution: the adoption of universal suffrage, the arming of the civilian population, absolute abolition of all remnants of noble privilege, the selling of the properties of the émigrés. These events meant a change of direction from the political and constitutional perspective of the Girondists, to a more social approach given by the Comune, as Cambon declared the 27 August:
To reject with more efficacy the defenders of despotism, we have to address the fortunes of the poor, we have to associate the Revolution with this multitude that possess nothing, we have to convert the people to the cause.
Besides these measures, the Commune engaged in a policy of political repression of all suspected counter-revolutionary activities. Beginning on 11 August every Paris section named its committee of vigilance. In sooth we should charge, not the Commune but these decentralized committees for most of the repression of August and September 1792. From 15th to 25th of August there can approximately be registered around five hundred detentions. Half the detentions are made against non-jure priests, but even jure priests are caught in the wave. In Paris all residual monasteries are closed and the rest of the religious orders are dissolved by a law of 15 August.[5]
[edit] The Invasion by the Duke of Brunswick
On September 2 the news reached Paris that the Duke of Brunswick's Prussian army had invaded France (19 August), that the fortress of Verdun had quickly fallen, that perhaps its own aristocratic officers had capitulated too easily, and that the Prussians were advancing quickly toward the capital. On July 25 Brunswick had circulated his bombastic "Brunswick Manifesto" from Coblenz: his avowed aim was
- "to put an end to the anarchy in the interior of France, to check the attacks upon the throne and the altar, to reestablish the legal power, to restore to the king the security and the liberty of which he is now deprived and to place him in a position to exercise once more the legitimate authority which belongs to him."
Additionally, the Manifesto threatened the French public with instant punishment should they resist the Imperial and Prussian armies, or the reinstatement of the monarchy. Such information fueled this first wave of mob hysteria of the Revolution. By the end of August rumours circulated that many in Paris - such as non-juring priests - who secretly opposed the Revolution would support the First Coalition of foreign powers allied against it. Furthermore, Paris lacked extensive food stocks.
[edit] September Massacres
The political situation in Paris on the eve of the September Massacres was disastrous. No individual or organised body could truly claim exclusive sovereignty. The monarchy and short-lived Constitution of 1791 had been overthrown by the popular journée of 10 August 1792, in which the Tuileries was stormed by the mob and the royal family fled for their lives. The Legislative Assembly had been left impotent after a large number of deputies had fled, and its successor, the National Convention, had not yet met. To further complicate this matter, the insurrectionary Paris commune established 9 August 1792 incorporated some of the most radical revolutionary elements, including the sans-culottes, and briefly contended for the role of de facto government of France. Lacking a sovereign power, the Parisians' fear, hatred, and prejudice proved to be the seeds of the September Massacres.
When news of the collapse of defenses at Verdun reached the Convention, they ordered the tocsin rung and alarm guns fired, which doubtless added to the sense of panic. An army of 60,000 was to be enlisted at the Champ de Mars, the British ambassador reported;
- "A party at the instigation of some one or other declared they would not quit Paris, as long as the prisons were filled with Traitors (for they called those so, that were confined in the different Prisons and Churches), who might in the absence of such a number of Citizens rise and not only effect the release of His Majesty, but make an entire counterrevolution."
The first attack occurred when twenty-four non-juring priests were being transported to the prison of the Abbey of Saint-Germain-des-Prés, which had become a national prison of the revolutionary government. They were attacked by a mob that quickly killed them all as they were trying to escape into the prison, then mutilated the bodies, "with circumstances of barbarity too shocking to describe" according to the British diplomatic dispatch. Of 284 prisoners, 135 were killed, 27 were transferred, 86 were set free, and 36 had uncertain fates. [6] In the afternoon of September 2, 150 priests in the convent of Carmelitas were executed mostly by Sans-culottes. On September 3 and September 4, crowds broke into other Paris prisons, where they murdered the prisoners, who some feared were counter-revolutionaries who would aid the invading Prussians. From September 2 and September 7, in all Paris prisons there were summary trials that condemned and executed almost 1.400 prisoners, in sooth half the detained persons from the previous days. More than two hundred priests, almost a hundred Swiss guards and many political prisoners and noblemen were among the victims. [7]
Most notably, the crowds are said to have raped, killed and grotesquely mutilated the Princesse de Lamballe, friend of Marie Antoinette and sister-in-law to the Duc d'Orleans. It was said that her head was paraded atop a pike under the captive Queen's windows at the Temple. Religious figures also figured prominently among the victims: the massacres occurred during a time of great and rising resentment against the Roman Catholic Church, which eventually led to the temporary dechristianisation of France. Over a forty-eight hour period beginning on September 2, 1792, as the French Legislative Assembly (successor to the National Constituent Assembly) dissolved into chaos, angry mobs massacred three bishops, including the Archbishop of Arles, and more than two hundred priests.
Restif de la Bretonne saw the bodies piled high in front of the Châtelet and witnessed atrocities that he recorded in Les Nuits de Paris (1793).
The increasing anti religious sentiments in France were explained by Tocqueville, in his famous work L'Ancient Regime et La Revolution, as a historic expression of the growing atheism among the men of letters, especially the followers of Voltaire. According to Tocqueville's analysis of the Old Regime, the intellectuals were determined to combat Christian traditions that descended from the Middle Ages, particularly those referred to the Catholic Church structure and authority, because of the continuing censure that the enlightened authors suffered from the moral power of the Church. The writings of the enlightened authors widely influenced the people of France, and created a growing anti-religious sentiment during the 18th Century.
- "The same principles of the Government of the Church constituted an obstacle for those that the writers wanted as the prevailing in the Civil Government. The first one was supported only on tradition, and the latter ones professed a great contempt for all institutions based on the respect of the past; The Church recognized an authority superior to the individual reason, and the writers admitted nothing beyond reason." [8]
The hatred and violence against all religious institutions during the French Revolution, and in the September Massacres, according to Tocqueville, was supported on the criticism and writings of the enlightened authors. He even argues that it is not right to say that the anti religious sentiment was majority, but the reaction of violence against religion was based more on the inability of religious institutions to defend themselves against the radicalism of some revolutionary leaders, as he says:
- "When those that denied Christianity screamed and when those that still believed in it silenced, it occurred what we have seen so many times among us (...). Men that preserved the old faith got scared of being the only ones remaining faithful to it, and, fearing solitude even more than wrongness, joined the multitude without even thinking like them. So that, which was not more than the feeling of part of the nation, seemed like the opinion of all, opinion that, since then, seemed irresistible even for those that gave it a false appearance." [9]
In sooth, the anti revolutionary sentiment caused a painful drama during the French Revolution. This sentiment grew in France during most part of the 18th Century, until the end of the Revolution. Since then most of Christian traditions and beliefs were reestablished in the nation as in the people's heart.
[edit] See also
[edit] Notes
- ^ The classic modern account of the legends and traditions that have accrued, and an appraisal of the sources on which a narrative account can be based, is Pierre Caron, Les Massacres de Septembre (Paris) 1935. Caron was curator of modern archives at the Archives nationales.
- ^ Caron 1935, part IV is confined to comparable events in provincial cities that transpired from July to October 1792.
- ^ Bergeron Louis, Le Monde et son Histoire, Paris, 1970, Volume VII, Chapter VII, pg.324
- ^ Bergeron Louis, Le Monde et son Histoire, Paris, 1970, Volume VII, Chapter VII, pg.325
- ^ Bergeron Louis, Le Monde et son Histoire, Paris, 1970, Volume VII, Chapter VII, pg.326
- ^ Saint-Germain-des-Prés et son faubourg, p. 40, Dominique Leborgne, Editions Parigramme, Paris 2005, ISBN 284096189X
- ^ Bergeron Louis, Le Monde et son Histoire, Paris, 1970, Volume VII, Chapter VII, pg.327
- ^ Alexis de Tocqueville, The Old Regime and the Revolution, third book, chapter II.
- ^ Ibid.
[edit] External links
- "The September Massacres : Sept. 2 – 7, 1792"
- The September Massacres witnessed by Restif de la Bretonne
- The September Massacres witnessed by Earl Gower, a British diplomat
[edit] Further reading
- Hibbert, Christopher, 1980. The Days of the French Revolution (New York: William Morrow)
- Schama, Simon, 1992. Citizens: A Chronicle of the French Revolution (New York: Alfred A. Knopf)
- Dickens, Charles, 1859. A Tale of Two Cities (Austin: Holt Rinehart and Winston)

