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Union of Christian and Centre Democrats

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Union of Christian and Centre Democrats
Leader Pier Ferdinando Casini
Secretary Lorenzo Cesa
President Rocco Buttiglione
Founded 6 December 2002
Headquarters via Due Macelli, 66
00187 Rome
Newspaper 'None'
Membership (2006) 231,000
Ideology Christian democracy,
Social conservatism
Coalition Union of the Centre
International Centrist Democrat International
European party European People's Party
European Parliament Group European People's Party
Website http://www.udc-italia.it

The Union of Christian and Centre Democrats (Unione dei Democratici Cristiani e di Centro, UDC) is a Christian-democratic Italian political party. It is formally led by Lorenzo Cesa, although its most popular figure and practical leader is Pier Ferdinando Casini.

UDC is a member of the European People's Party (EPP) and of the Centrist Democrat International (CDI), of which Pier Ferdinando Casini is currently President. The party, who was part of the Pole/House of Freedoms from 1994 to 2008, is affiliated neither to the centre-right nor the centre-left at the national level and currently stands in opposition to Berlusconi IV Cabinet. Despite this UDC takes part with the centre-right to several regional, provincial and municipal governments.

Contents

[edit] History

[edit] Foundation

The party was founded in 2002 by the merger of the former Christian Democratic Centre (CCD, led by Pier Ferdinando Casini from 1994 to 2001, then by Marco Follini), the United Christian Democrats (CDU, a split of Italian People's Party, led by Rocco Buttiglione since 1995) and European Democracy (DE, founded by Sergio D'Antoni). The new party was led by Marco Follini, national secretary, and by Rocco Buttiglione, president.

[edit] Early years

In the 2004 European Parliament election UDC had to show its electoral weight for the first time. Winning 5.9% of the vote and returning 5 MEPs, the result was better than predicted. In the 2001 Italian general election the three parties had scored 5.6% (sum of 3.2%, result of CCD and CDU, and 2.4%, result of DE). UDC was since the European Parliament election the third largest party in the House of Freedoms, surpassing Lega Nord. Follini became Vice-President of the Council wanting to strengthen the government by diminishing the influence of Lega Nord in the executive.

Party foundation logo.

In the 2005 regional elections UDC and the House of Freedoms faced a severe defeat by winning only 2 out of 14 regions. Follini asked Silvio Berlusconi to resign and form a new executive. In the new executive Rocco Buttiglione became minister with portfolio but Follini declined the post of Vice-President of the Council, wanting to dedicate himself to the party.

On 15 October 2005 Marco Follini suddenly resigned as secretary and was replaced on 27 October by Lorenzo Cesa.

[edit] 2006 general election

The party took part in the 2006 general election with a new logo, characterized by the inclusion of the name of Casini, by far the most prominent member of the UDC. Casini himself was the leading candidate in many of the electoral constituencies. Despite the defeat of the House of Freedoms, the UDC improved its electoral performance gaining 6.8% of the vote and electing 39 deputies.

In October 2006, Senator Marco Follini finally left the party to form his own grouping, called Middle-of-the-Road Italy, which merged into the centre-left Democratic Party one year later. This was the fourth split suffered by UDC in two years, after three much bigger scissions led by Sergio D'Antoni, who led numbers of the former European Democracy, to Democracy is Freedom – The Daisy (DL), in 2004, that of Gianfranco Rotondi and Mauro Cutrufo to form the Christian Democracy for the Autonomies in 2005, and that of Raffaele Lombardo and many Southern party members which formed the Movement for Autonomy later that year.

[edit] Recent events

A fifth major split happened at the end of January 2008, when Bruno Tabacci and Mario Baccini left the party in strife with the political line of the party to enter in an alliance with Forza Italia and Alleanza nazionale. Despite having supported a new electoral law on German model during the past two years, after the fall of Prodi II Cabinet decided to follow Berlusconi and the other leaders of the centre-right in their request of a fresh election as soon as possible. The new party of Tabacci and Baccini, the White Rose, will seek the leadership of former trade-unionist Savino Pezzotta and will fight as the core of a new centrist pole, which Antonio Di Pietro's Italy of Values is expected to join.[1][2][3]

At the beginning of February the departure of Tabacci and Baccini was followed by the joining of two leading members of Forza Italia, Ferdinando Adornato and Angelo Sanza.[4] In the same days UDC lost another bit when Carlo Giovanardi, Emerenzio Barbieri and their faction Liberal Populars finally left the party to join the new People of Freedom (PdL) of Berlusconi, citing that the 72% of UDC voters wants to join the PdL.[5]

On 16 February UDC leader Casini announced that the party will fight the upcoming general election outside the House of Freedoms coalition. This decision came after that UDC refused to join the new party launched by Berlusconi. In disagreement with Casini many leading members, including Vito Bonsignore, Tomaso Zanoletti, Giuseppe Galati and Alfredo Meocci, of the party are leaving it in order to join the PdL and thus the chances of success of the party seems uncertain. In order to surpass the thresholds for entering the Parliament, UDC may join forces with the White Rose.

On 28 February the White Rose announced that it will present joint-lists with UDC for the general election and it was hinted that Casini would be the joint-candidate for Prime Minister.[6] The two parties, united in the Union of the Centre for the election, will finally merge along with other centrist parties in a single entity by the end of 2009.[7]

[edit] Ideology

Although it is the most vocal supporter of social conservatism in Italy (opposition to abortion, gay rights and euthanasia are some of its main concerns) and can be easily connected with the Christian right, UDC is usually identified with the political centre in Italy, thanks to its Christian Democratic roots, and was an independent-minded and often reluctant member of the House of Freedoms coalition.

However The Economist describes it as a right-wing, sometimes reactionary party, which "stretches a long way from the centre". Moreover, it wrote that many UDC members are "diehard corporatists who [...] get most of their votes from the south, where many households depend either on welfare or on public-sector employment"[8]. Indeed the party is stronger in the South and especially in Sicily, where public-sector employment is widely spread.

The party's leading figure, Pier Ferdinando Casini, is critical of the leadership of Silvio Berlusconi over the Italian centre-right and presents himself as a moderate alternative to populism, which, in his view, denotes Forza Italia, National Alliance and Lega Nord. The party's strategy is very similar to that of the Union for French Democracy, which held an uneasy alliance with a much bigger partner, the Union for a Popular Movement, as UDC with Forza Italia, and believes as well in a government beyond the left-right divide. The dream of reassembling the remnants of the old Christian Democracy (DC) party in order to control Italian politics from the centre is a longstanding one and Casini's followers are trying to form the nucleus of a third force in Italian politics, hoping to enlist someday centrist members of the Democratic Party, especially those coming from Democracy is Freedom – The Daisy (DL), a centre-left outfit, in which many former Christian Democrats were gathered.

It is difficult to say how much chances of success this "centrist option" has; indeed there are at least three problems with it. First, UDC is a much lesser force compared to Berlusconi's Forza Italia, which draws much support from former Christian Democratic voters. Second, Italians like confrontational politics based on two alternative coalitions and many among them dream a two-party system, in place of the current fragmented political spectrum in which as many as twenty parties are represented in Parliament[9]. Third, it is difficult to unite progressive DL with the conservative UDC, and history does not always repeat itself: many political scientists think that the return of Christian Democracy is all but likely as political unity of Catholics (the core idea on which DC was based) is not repeatable because it will be anti-historical trying to unite free-market liberals and economic interventionists, social-conservatives and social-liberals, into a single party.

It is true that DL had many conservative Catholics in its ranks but they are mostly social-democratic in position on other political issues. UDC is likely to attract some of them but until it can draw support from Forza Italia its chances of growth are very few. Although Casini and his followers are keen on presenting themselves as moderates, their staunchly social-conservative stance will harm their prospects, as Forza Italia is popular also among secularized middle-class voters and, accordingly to the most recent opinion polls[10], it outnumbers UDC by 20-25%.

On the other issues, it is remarkable that UDC and its leader Casini are the main supporters of nuclear energy in the Italian political arena.[11]

[edit] Factions

There are mainly four factions within the party.

The three main schisms suffered by the party between 2004 and 2006, Middle-of-the-Road Italy (IdM), Movement for Autonomy (MpA) and Christian Democracy for the Autonomies (DCA), were led by the most vocal supporters of each of the last three factions mentioned above, respectively Marco Follini, Raffaele Lombardo and Gianfranco Rotondi. Gianfranco Rotondi left UDC over disagreements on the relationship with Forza Italia, which he wanted to be closer, and founded the DCA as a small party with strong ties with Silvio Berlusconi's one. Raffaele Lombardo, UDC Sicilian leader until 2005, thought that the party was too much Rome-centred and launched his Movement for Autonomy, which soon started to collaborate with Lega Nord in order to form a network of autonomist parties from throughout Italy. Marco Follini, now leader of Middle-of-the-Road Italy and supporter of the Prodi II Cabinet, was secretary of UDC until 2005 and was the chief-opposer of Silvio Berlusconi's leadership within the centre-right.

[edit] Popular support

The party is historically stronger in the South than in other part of the country. In the 2008 general election it won 9.4% in Sicily, 8.2% in Calabria and 7.9% in Apulia, while 3.8% in Liguria, 4.3% in Lombardy and 5.2% in Piedmont. In the North the party is better placed in the North-East: 5.6% in Veneto and 6.0% in Friuli-Venezia Giulia.

[edit] Electoral results

The electoral results of the Union of Christian and Centre Democrats in the 10 most populated Regions of Italy are shown in the table below. As UDC was founded in 2002, the electoral results from 1994 to 2001 refer to the combined result of the precursor parties.

The Christian Democratic Centre (CCD), founded in 1994, and the United Christian Democrats (CDU), founded in 1995, formed joint lists with Forza Italia respectively in 1994 (general) and 1995 (regional). The results of 1995 (regional) refer to CCD alone, those of 1996 (general) to the CCD-CDU joint-list, those of 1996 (Sicilian regional), 1999 (European) and 2000 (regional) to the combined result of CCD and CDU, those of 2001 (general) to the combined result of the CCD-CDU joint-list and of European Democracy (DE), which formed a separate list, that of 2001 (Sicilian regional) to the combined results of CCD, CDU and DE.

From 2004 (European), the results refer to UDC. The 2006 (Sicilian regional) refers to the combined result of UDC (13.05) and of L'Aquilone–Lista del Presidente (5.7%), personal list of UDC regional leader Salvatore Cuffaro. The elected members of this list were all UDC members.

1994 general 1995 regional 1996 general 1999 European 2000 regional 2001 general 2004 European 2005 regional 2006 general 2008 general 2009 European
Piedmont with FI 3.0 4.4 3.3 4.5 3.5 5.0 4.6 6.2 5.2 6.1
Lombardy with FI 2.2 4.6 3.5 4.1 3.4 3.6 3.8 5.9 4.3 5.0
Veneto with FI 3.6 5.4 5.4 6.8 5.0 5.0 6.4 7.8 5.6 6.4
Emilia-Romagna with FI 4.8 4.8 2.7 3.7 3.4 2.8 3.9 5.8 4.3 4.7
Tuscany with FI 2.5 4.8 3.2 4.2 3.3 3.3 3.7 5.9 4.2 4.6
Lazio with FI 4.2 4.7 4.8 6.7 4.8 7.1 7.8 6.9 4.8 5.5
Campania with FI 9.7 8.0 6.8 8.5 7.5 7.0 6.7 6.8 6.5 8.7
Apulia with FI 5.6 7.6 6.0 6.2 6.8 8.1 7.8 7.8 7.9 9.1
Calabria with FI 9.0 9.0 9.4 13.3 9.5 9.6 10.4 7.7 8.2 9.3
Sicily with FI 19.0 (1996) 8.1 7.9 24.3 (2001) 14.4 14.0 18.7 (2006) 10.0 9.4 11.9
ITALY - - 5.8 4.8 - 5.6 5.9 - 6.8 5.6 6.5

[edit] Leadership

[edit] References

[edit] External links

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